Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) have become a key tool in asymmetric warfare, employed in the pursuit of many objectives, including destabilization of the state and governing authorities, exertion of control and influence, and creation of fear in a population. More than 80 per cent of civilian IED casualties occur in civilian spaces, and civilians are deliberately targeted, including vulnerable groups such as children.
Migrants have been a regular presence in Tunisia since around 2011, when they arrived in the country after fleeing instability in Libya. It is only in recent years, however, that they have become a political issue. With Tunisia’s economy in shambles and the rise of political repression, migrants within and transiting through the country have been demonized in an attempt to shift the focus and cast President Saïed as a populist hero.
'The globalization and expansion of the private security industry has led to concerns about whether the industry has adequate safeguards to prevent sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and other human rights abuses, by its personnel.'
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Although overall crime victimization in Ukraine has remained relatively stable following Russia’s full-scale invasion, firearms are increasingly more likely to be used in crime. In late 2023, 11 per cent of surveyed victims of crime said a firearm was used in the crime incidents they experienced during the previous 12 months, up from 6 per cent a year earlier.
The Indo-Pacific region, in all its vastness and diversity, presents many international security challenges. It is also a region with, thus far, limited engagement with the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). Only 11 Indo-Pacific countries are currently states parties to the ATT, and nine states from the region have signed the Treaty but not yet ratified it.
'As it enters its tenth year, the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) stands as one of the newest multilateral initiatives seeking to address the impact of the global arms trade.
Since the outbreak of civil war in Sudan in April 2023, there have been rising concerns about the physical
security of oil infrastructure and the sector’s overall operational capacity. Control of the country’s oil infrastructure has been split among different armed groups. The national military, Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), has retained control of the export terminal in the Red Sea port of Port Sudan. At the same time, a rival armed group, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), seized—and now maintain—command of Sudan’s primary refinery in Khartoum and at least one pumping station.
'Why do individuals join a violent extremist group? What are the drivers behind this decision? And how do we prevent it? These questions have long occupied the academic and policy spaces, and continue to do so given that violent extremism is still one of the top national and international security threats....'
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Since the early 2000s, arms control experts and policymakers have come to recognise the importance of a demand perspective. Yet, demand-side factors have often been sidelined due to their absence from the mandates of international agreements. The UN Programme of Action's preamble emphasizes the pressing need for international cooperation to combat this trade from both supply and demand perspectives, yet, the operational clauses primarily focus on addressing supply-side factors.
Tong Akeen Ngor, the governor of Northern Bahr el Ghazal state, South Sudan, has consolidated his grip on power by buying support, detaining members of the opposition, and ingratiating himself with South Sudanese President Salva Kiir. Tong Akeen, however, lacks popularity. The state has traditionally been an SPLM stronghold, and he is seen as an NCP interloper from the north.