Eastern Equatoria borders Kenya and Uganda, and both countries claim territories in South Sudan. In 2015, UPDF forces entered South Sudan in the area of Pogee, Magwi county, attacking villages and displacing civilians. Further UPDF incursions occurred in Ikotos county in 2022.[1] Recent UPDF movements into Pogee began in June 2024 following cattle raids into Uganda carried out by South Sudanese youth. By August 2024, the UPDF had established military outposts in Pogee, while also entering a series of South Sudanese villages, where Ugandan soldiers razed properties and killed civilians.[2]
The UPDF has dug boreholes and reportedly encouraged Ugandan civilians to settle in the occupied areas. Its move into Magwi is likely motivated by economic interests—the area contains valuable gold reserves and rich agricultural land. Pole Pole Benjamin Olum, the commissioner of Magwi county, stated that Ugandan encroachment has created fear among local Acholi communities and led to widespread displacement.[3] Members of South Sudan’s Transitional National Legislative Assembly have also raised concerns about UPDF encroachment both in Eastern Equatoria and—since August 2024—in the area of Kajo Keiji, Central Equatoria, where members of South Sudan’s government have accused the UPDF of killing 17 civilians.[4]
During this crisis, politicians at state and national levels in South Sudan have been notable by their absence. Lobong has claimed that international borders are the responsibility of the national government, deflecting responsibility onto Kiir’s regime, which has not made a statement on the matter. The regime is beholden to Kampala: the UPDF supported it during the South Sudanese civil war (2013–18) and protected Juba from the SPLA-IO at the onset of the conflict. Uganda and Sudan then backed the R-ARCSS. The two governments are the guarantors of Kiir’s regime. The SSPDF and UPDF worked together as recently as August, when a joint force that also included Central African Republic (CAR) troops attacked three camps belonging to the Lord’s Resistance Army (Radio Tamazuj, 2024c). The UPDF has also reportedly recently deployed troops in Juba when Kiir has gone on trips abroad, to protect the regime against a possible coup. Given his regime’s dependence on Uganda, it would not be easy for Kiir to speak out against the UPDF incursions, even if he were minded to do so.
It is tempting to see the Ugandan incursions as indications of a weak South Sudanese state, brought low by the country’s recent economic collapse. The situation in Western Bahr el Ghazal state, however, suggests another possibility. In August the UPDF moved with SSPDF and NSS escorts into Wau, the state capital, and then moved to Boro Medina, a small town with rich gold deposits close to the CAR border. These movements indicate that rather than a weak state oppressed by its neighbours, South Sudan is run by an elite in Juba with little popular legitimacy that is collaborating with the UPDF for mutual gain. Rather than the UPDF incursions being a move against the national government in Juba, they are more likely to be in its interest.
[1] See Radio Tamazuj (2022).
[2] Author interviews with Magwi county elders, August–September 2024; Sebit (2024); Radio Tamazuj (2024c; 2024d).
[3] Author telephone interviews with Magwi county elders, August–September 2024; Radio Tamazuj (2024a).
[4] Author telephone interviews with politicians from Central Equatoria, August–September 2024. See also Radio Tamazuj (2024b).
| < PREVIOUS | NEXT > |